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60% of the average national income. The need to address that reality is main argument of the approval campaign. “We are not naïve. We know there is room for improvement, and we have the flexibility to do it,” Mirosevic said. “But this text is a much better starting point than what we have now,” he said. The uncertain outcome of the referendum has put additional strain on an already struggling economy. According to data released in July by the National Institute of Statistics (INE), the Consumer Price Index, an indicator of inflation, registered a 13.1% increase in the past year. Against this backdrop, an investigation led by a group of economists calculated the social rights guaranteed by the new constitution would cost an estimated 8.9% to 14.2 % of the GDP per year. Chances of making those rights a reality in the short term are scarce, and high expectations may lead to new popular discontent, Izquierdo said. As drug cartels expand their reach across Latin America, Chile takes a hit Opinions diverge. Carolina Tohá, a long-time politician and a former member of socialist President Michelle Bachelet´s administration, told that “the
new constitution mentions a progressive implementation of social rights and is very clear in establishing the principle of fiscal responsibility.” Attempting to give Chileans — and markets — some certainty, earlier this month President Boric summoned his coalition to reach an agreement about possible reforms to the charter in case of approval. They were made public in mid-August and address the most controversial principles. Boric also stated that, be it rejected, there would be a new convention and redrafting. On the other side, Chile’s right-wing coalition also committed to amend the current constitution in terms of social rights. And this month, Congress voted in favor of a constitutional reform that reduces legislative quorums to facilitate potential tweaks to the current charter. But on each side distrust prevails about the opponents’ real intentions. Only one thing is certain: The constitutional process in Chile is not over. After the plebiscite, no matter who wins, coalitions on both sides have committed to make changes either to the new or the current constitution. “After September 4, the constitutional process will … either put the new constitution in place or to look at new alternatives if it is not adopted,” said Dávila, the assistant professor at the Universidad
one of its representatives had built his campaign talking about his fight against cancer, although he didn’t have the disease. He later said that he had actually been referring to a different illness that was “socially stigmatizing.” He resigned, but the episode has often been referenced by critics of the constituent assembly. The end of privileges María José Donoso is a 37-year-old accountant who lives in Maipú, a middle-class area of Santiago. Her partner lost his job during the pandemic and she stopped working to take care of their young daughter. They currently live on a US $550 monthly budget, selling handcrafts on a market. To be able to study, Donoso said, she had to work part-time because she had no free education. To get a doctor´s appointment, she added, she must wait for months, while wealthier people can be cared for immediately. “I will vote yes to new constitution because it will help level the field. Those who are afraid of changes are businessmen or politicians afraid of losing their privileges,” she said. According to the World Inequity Lab, a research center focusing on the study of income and wealth distribution worldwide, Chile is one of the most unequal countries in Latin America with the top 10% concentrating
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